personal Income Taxes

VAT, taxes and the real cost of government

By Dhananath Fernando

Originally appeared on The Morning

The recent amendments to the Value-Added Tax (VAT) have once again brought taxation into the national conversation.

Contrary to what many initially assumed, the VAT rate itself has not increased. What has changed is the VAT registration threshold, which has been reduced from Rs. 60 million to Rs. 36 million in annual turnover. As a result, many micro, small, and medium-sized businesses will now fall into the VAT net.

This has naturally triggered criticism that Sri Lanka is relying too heavily on indirect taxes instead of expanding direct taxation. That concern is understandable. Yet when comparing taxes, VAT remains one of the more reasonable forms of taxation despite its imperfections.

That does not mean VAT rates should keep increasing. It simply means that, compared to many other taxes imposed in Sri Lanka, VAT is economically less damaging and comparatively more transparent.

VAT is on the value added

The important principle behind VAT is that the tax is only charged on the value a business adds at each stage of production or distribution.

Take a bicycle manufacturer selling a bicycle for Rs. 10,000. With an 18% VAT, the final selling price becomes Rs. 11,800. The manufacturer collects Rs. 1,800 as VAT on behalf of the Inland Revenue Department (IRD).

However, the manufacturer may have already paid VAT on inputs used to produce the bicycle. Assume tyres, rims, and spokes cost Rs. 5,000 before VAT. With VAT included, the manufacturer pays Rs. 5,900 to suppliers. That means Rs. 900 has already been paid as VAT earlier in the supply chain.

When settling taxes with the IRD, the manufacturer only pays the balance Rs. 900 because the earlier VAT payment can be claimed back as an input credit. In simple terms, VAT is ultimately charged only on the additional value created by the manufacturer, which in this case is the increase from Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 10,000.

This is very different from taxes such as the Social Security Contribution Levy (SSCL), which creates a cascading effect. Under the SSCL, every stage of production pays tax without the ability to deduct what was paid earlier. The supplier pays it, the manufacturer pays it again, and eventually the tax compounds through the entire production chain.

That cascading effect quietly increases costs across the economy. Compared to such taxes, VAT is economically cleaner and less distortive.

Is it impacting the poor the most?

A common criticism against VAT is that it affects the poor disproportionately. The argument usually goes like this: if both a wealthy individual and a poor individual buy one kilogramme of dhal, they both pay the same VAT amount.

On the surface, that sounds unfair. But VAT is fundamentally a consumption tax. Those who consume more pay more. Wealthier households consume significantly more goods and services than poorer households and therefore contribute more VAT overall.

The real issue is not VAT alone. The heavier burden on poor households often comes from Sri Lanka’s complex web of import tariffs, para-tariffs, cess duties, Ports and Airports Development Levy (PAL), and Customs taxes that silently increase the prices of essential goods.

Take construction materials such as cement, steel, wall tiles, or floor tiles. These taxes raise the cost of housing, infrastructure, and business investment. Unlike VAT, these taxes become embedded in the full cost structure. Businesses then finance those inflated costs through expensive loans, which further compounds prices across the economy.

In many sectors, the real cost drivers are tariffs and para-tariffs rather than VAT itself. If policymakers genuinely want to reduce pressure on low-income families, tariff reform deserves far greater attention.

VAT is only charged when a transaction happens

Another reason VAT is comparatively more reasonable is that it is linked directly to transactions.

Unlike personal income tax, where the Government takes a portion of earnings before individuals even decide how to spend them, VAT is only paid when consumption takes place. In that sense, consumers still retain a degree of choice.

If someone decides not to purchase a product or service, no VAT is charged. That transaction-based structure makes VAT comparatively more transparent than many other forms of taxation.

Not charging VAT can also distort competition

High VAT thresholds can also create an uneven playing field between businesses.

Take the poultry industry. Poultry products sold through supermarkets are often subject to VAT, while products sold through informal wet markets may escape it altogether. As a result, supermarket prices appear higher, even when the businesses involved are complying fully with the tax system.

Yet many of these supermarket suppliers are also the companies maintaining hygiene standards, investing in large-scale production, and building systems compatible with export markets. When compliant businesses lose competitiveness because others remain outside the tax net, the incentive to reinvest and expand weakens.

A functioning tax system must also preserve neutrality. Taxes should not unfairly reward one group while penalising another.

That said, widening the tax net does not automatically justify high tax rates. Sri Lanka must also remain regionally competitive. Corporate taxes are already around 30%, while the highest personal income tax bracket stands at 36%.

If the country continues broadening the tax base, it becomes even more important to ensure overall tax rates remain competitive with global and regional standards.

Taxes alone cannot develop a country

No country has become prosperous purely through taxation. Taxes are necessary to fund public services, but economic growth is what ultimately lifts people out of poverty.

The uncomfortable reality is that as government expenditure continues to rise, governments will continuously search for ways to increase taxes, expand tax nets, or introduce new levies.

If Sri Lanka genuinely wants lower taxes in the long run, the conversation cannot only be about taxation. It must also be about government expenditure, efficiency, and fiscal discipline.

Without controlling expenditure, the country will remain trapped in a cycle where every fiscal problem eventually becomes a tax problem. That is the real conversation Sri Lanka needs to have.

Reforming Sri Lanka's Tax System: A Path to Fiscal Stability and Economic Growth

Originally appeared on Daily FT

By Dr Roshan Perera, Thashikala Mendis, Janani Wanigaratne

This article provides an insight on the Personal Income Tax structure in Sri Lanka as the second part of a series discussing potential tax reforms

Raising government revenue is critical for Sri Lanka to recover from the current economic crisis and create a more sustainable economic environment. However, taxes should be paid by those who can bear the burden. 

Personal Income Taxes (PIT) is an effective instrument in generating revenue as well as in reducing inequality through revenue redistribution.  In Sri Lanka, there has been a steady decline in revenue from PIT from 0.9% of GDP in 2000 to 0.2% of GDP in 2022. Revenue collection is  lower than that of even other low income economies. Furthermore, PIT tax revenue as a percentage of direct tax revenue declined from 40% in 2000 to 9.3% in 2022, although GDP per capita increased from USD 869 in 2000 to USD 3,474 in 2022. 

Advanced economies raise approximately 9% of GDP from PIT, while emerging economies and low income economies raise only 3.1% and 2.1% of GDP, respectively. (1)  Sri Lanka reports the  lowest contribution of PIT as a percentage of GDP in 2021, both among  advanced economies in Asia such as South Korea, as well as developing economies such as Bangladesh, Malaysia and Vietnam (See Figure 1).

Figure 1: Performance of Personal Income Tax Collection among Selected Countries

Source : IMF Data Library, OECD

Narrow Tax Base

The narrow tax base is one of the main reasons for Sri Lanka’s low PIT revenue performance. A narrow base not only limits revenue generation but it also makes revenue collection reliant on a small segment of the population. 

The number of income tax payers under the  Pay As You Earn (PAYE)/Advanced Personal Income Tax (APIT) Scheme (2) as a percentage of the total employed population shows  a relatively small proportion of the workforce contributing to income taxes (see Table 1). In 2019,  the proportion of tax paying employees was 33%. This proportion declined to less than 1% in 2021 due to abolishing of PAYE taxes with effect from 1st January 2020.  A voluntary APIT System was introduced with effect from April 1, 2020, where employees can opt in. This shift not only led to a revenue decline but also created monitoring gaps. With effect from January 1, 2023, it was mandated for employers to deduct APIT from employees' income, reverting to the original PAYE scheme.

(2 ) Note: PAYE/APIT is where employers deduct income tax on employment income of employees at the time of payment of remuneration.  PAYE was replaced by APIT with effect from April 2020. This measure of replacing PAYE with APIT essentially made PAYE optional. However, with effect from January 2023, deduction of Withholding Tax (WHT), Advanced Income Tax (AIT)  and APIT has been made mandatory.

Table 1: Employee Contribution to PIT

Source: IRD Performance Reports, Labour Force Survey

The large informal sector also contributes to the narrow tax base and low PIT performance. According to the Labor Force Survey (3) 2022,  the informal sector accounts for around 58% of total employment (see Table 1).  A large portion of the economy operating  outside formal regulation enables tax evasion and avoidance. Transforming the current informal self-employment system to a modern formal employee-employment system would be one way to improve tax revenue collection. 

Two alternative recommendations are proposed to capture informal economic activities into the tax net.  Establishing a universal online payments system would reduce cash transactions in the economy enabling better monitoring; and secondly, by introducing a unique digital identification system that connects tax accounts with income sources, bank accounts, motor vehicle and land registration etc. Authorities could cross check information provided in income tax returns as well as identify individuals who do not file returns. 

Tax Free Threshold and Tax slabs/Brackets

In the recent amendment to the Inland Revenue Act (4),  the tax free threshold for income was reduced from Rs.3 million per annum to Rs.1.2 million per annum. Further, the tax brackets were reduced  from Rs.3 mn to Rs.0.5 million.  Accordingly, the incremental tax rate for each additional Rs. 0.5 million of income was set at 6% (see Table 2).

Table 2:  Tax Threshold and Tax Brackets

Source :Inland  Revenue (Amendment) Act, No. 4 of  2023

Applying the current tax free threshold, income taxes are applicable to  approximately the top 15% of households where around  36% of total  income is concentrated (see figure 2) (5).

(5) Note This is based on the Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2019

Figure 2: Share of Income by Population 2019

Source : HIES Survey Annual Report 2019

According to the national poverty line (6) for  July 2023, the minimum monthly expenditure per person required to meet basic needs is Rs. 15,978. Hence, the total cost for a family of four is approximately Rs. 65,000 per month. Assuming salaries and wages remain unchanged at 2019 levels,  more than two-thirds of income is spent by households up to the 9th decile, (see Table 3).  Any additional financial burden including income taxes could further reduce the disposable income of households up to the 9th income decile. Hence, information on household income and expenditure patterns must be considered when setting income tax thresholds.

Table 3 :  Mean Household Expenditure as a % of Mean Household Income

Source : HIES Survey Annual Report 2019 (7)

Although the current tax system applies differential tax rates based on income brackets, an analysis of the effective tax rates paid within these brackets indicates a less than progressive tax system.  An individual crossing the tax free threshold of Rs.1.2 million per annum (equivalent to a monthly income of Rs. 100,000) pays an effectives tax rate of 1%, which gradually increases to 12% until the highest income bracket is reached at over Rs. 3.7 million (which is equivalent to a monthly income of Rs. 308,333). All the income levels above this income would be taxed at the highest nominal marginal rate of 36%.  However, after a particular income level the effective tax rate flattens (see Table 4). This implies that individuals in the highest income categories effectively pay less taxes. Expanding the income tax brackets would introduce more fairness and progressivity into the tax system.

Table 4 :  Effective Rate of Tax

Source :  Author’s Calculation

Figure 3: Personal Income Tax as a percentage of Annual Income

Source : Authors’ Calculation

The fairness of the tax system is further exacerbated as those whose main income sources are subject to capital gains are taxed at only 10% versus those whose income are subject to PIT who are taxed at a higher rate of 36%. 

As wages and salaries rise to keep up with inflation, individuals may find themselves earning more in nominal terms, but their purchasing power remains relatively unchanged.  Adjusting thresholds for inflation ensures that employees are not disproportionately burdened by bracket creep where taxpayers are pushed into higher brackets due to inflation. A proper rationale and scientific basis for determining thresholds, tax slabs, and tax rates is needed to increase revenue collection and ensure fairness in the tax system.Also, the proposed tax system should generate the estimated tax revenue by the end of the year.

Frequent ad hoc policy changes

Tax policy is frequently subjected to change, without proper economic rationale. For instance, the tax slabs for PIT have been revised 9 times while the tax free threshold was revised 5 times since 2000. Frequent and ad hoc policy changes complicate tax administration and reduce tax compliance.

Conclusion

The country has failed to meet  the first quarter targets for revenue under the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility Program. Raising government revenue will be critical to remaining within the program. Improving revenue collection from income taxes will be critical to achieving the revenue targets, while broadening the tax base will ensure the burden of taxation falls on the broadest shoulders.

Part one of the OPED series on Reforming Sri Lanka's Tax System: A Path to Macroeconomic Stability and Sustainable Economic Growth can be found here