Transportation

Privatisation! the need of the hour

Originally appeared on The Morning.

By Dhananath Fernando

I travel mainly by a common staff transport from Moratuwa to Colombo to work. I travel by train as well as on normal public transport for other travel purposes. Undoubtedly, my staff transport is the most efficient and affordable, providing the most value for money. It not only provides value for the money I pay, but it also provides a great example of why the Government should not do business and why the private sector should be allowed to. Even in the toughest conditions, private enterprises can bring solutions.   

The operator of my private staff transport is Amal, an executive at an office in Colombo. While a normal bus typically has three main stakeholders, Amal has made it so that there’s just one main stakeholder. That’s efficiency. A normal bus on the road generally has an owner, a driver, and a conductor. Amal just has one. He is the driver who drives us all safely and on time. He does not have a conductor because he has an automated door which the driver can operate easily with just a switch in the dashboard.

He charges about Rs. 12,600 for an air-conditioned bus ride for the entire month. That is approximately Rs. 286 per one-way journey from where I live, which is around 20 km. If I were to calculate my cost per kilometre for a peaceful air-conditioned bus ride where I can sleep comfortably or work on my computer, it costs just Rs. 14. 

Even if I travel by a normal non-air-conditioned bus, the incremental value I pay for Amal is negligible. If I use an air-conditioned bus, my costs are higher than what Amal charges. In the first place, there are no air-conditioned buses where I live and with Amal, my travel time is almost one-third of the total time taken on the normal route. I believe that travelling with Amal not only saves time but also reduces carbon emissions as well. 

A win-win situation 

Amal is just one man in the private sector who adds value to my life while making a profit and a living out of it. He recently bought another bus and now he has two rosters both ways with a time gap of about 30 minutes, meaning I can choose either the first bus or the second according to my convenience. He shares the live location on WhatsApp before every ride, so I can track where the bus is and be prepared. 

Amal is not the only such person. If you observe Colombo between 7-9 a.m. you will notice that there are many buses operating on the same model as Amal’s. There is no regulatory authority on staff transports in Colombo and yet it operates efficiently, with both Amal and I being beneficiaries of the system. It’s a complete win-win. I hope that after reading this article, there won’t be any Government regulations set up regarding staff transport to ruin the market. 

Amal is a one-man private operator who solves a burning issue for me or at least provides me with a reasonable solution which my Government has been unable to provide for more than three decades, even with billions worth of funds.    

Amal can improve efficiency because he has an incentive for improving efficiency. His incentive has a ripple effect leading up to minimising carbon emissions. 

Privatisation to solve problems

Given the discussion on privatisation, there is no better example than Amal of how private enterprises help people. Economics and businesses are all about solving people’s problems. Our life is all about solving each other’s problems and depending on each other. Amal solves my transport problem and by paying him, I may be contributing money for his child’s education. 

Our entire economy is a complicated yet interconnected web. Efficiency and getting the maximum out of our resources are needed, which can only be done when the markets are in operation. Markets are operated by private individuals like you and me who read this article. 

While the process of privatisation is complicated, privatisation is just a normal process for market operations. Sri Lanka’s economic problem is that we don’t solve anybody’s problems. When we do not solve problems, how can we earn money? How can others solve our problems? 

Problem-solving is nothing but improving efficiency. Efficiency can only be improved when people have incentives. It is a universal truth, like the earth revolving around the sun. Even if you look at the Return on Equity (ROE) or Return on Assets (ROA), which are indications of a company’s efficiency, it is very clear that under normal circumstances and on level playing fields, the private sector’s efficiency and impact is much higher than when the Government runs businesses. 

Just take a look at Figure 1, which is a comparison between Sri Lanka Telecom (SLT), which has some private sector engagement and Dialog, which is a private sector player.

Figure 1: ROE analysis of SLT vs. Dialog

Source: Annual Reports of SLT and Dialog (2018-2021)

In some cases, the State sector ROE is simply higher because of the absence of a level playing field. The banking sector is a good example. Most State banks get preferential treatment so their returns are high due to the non-competitive nature of getting businesses. Given the size of the Government, most Government banking is done through the State-owned People’s Bank and Bank of Ceylon. Anyone visiting a State bank and a private bank will experience the difference in service levels. This doesn’t mean the private sector is perfect; markets are always imperfect, but it is obviously many miles ahead of businesses run by the State.

Figure 2: ROE comparison of the banking sector

Source: State of the State-Owned Enterprises, Advocata Institute (2022)

The private sector is not anyone else, it is us. We should be given the opportunity to solve our problems instead of making the Government solve them. When the Government tries to solve the problem, it will not only block the private sector but it will also waste our tax money. Just think of Amal; he is providing me with a reasonable solution to a problem that the Government has been unable to solve for over three decades.  

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Invest to progress, not to regress: Bridging the infrastructure gaps in Sri Lanka

Originally appeared on the Daily FT, the Morning, Lanka Business Online, Groundviews, Ada Derana Biz English

By Tiffahny Hoole and Janani Wanigaratne

Sri Lanka is going through a crisis of a magnitude that has never been witnessed in its economic history. The country is in disarray as people wait in lines to purchase essentials. Official reserve assets have plummeted to a $ 1,920 (1) million by May this year and the debt to GDP ratio has reached an all time high of 104.6% by 2021. (2) The country is struggling to meet its domestic needs while having fallen into a debt default for the first time in its history. Why did Sri Lanka’s debt obligations escalate to the point of an economic crisis? Debt taken on to finance unproductive infrastructure is a part of the problem. (Debt was also taken to finance recurring expenditure including interest on past debts and subsidies to SOEs). 

Professor Amal Kumarage, one of the leading experts on transport infrastructure in Sri Lanka says, “Sri Lanka’s inability to service debts is a clear indication of inefficient infrastructure investment. Over 50% of the foreign loans in the past decade were for different transport infrastructure projects that have not delivered the anticipated economic outcomes. The professionals who promoted unfound optimism in economic analysis of these projects to please the political masters must come forward and accept their responsibility for contributing to this crisis.”

Since the end of the civil war, there has been a longstanding commitment towards developing large-scale infrastructure projects (See table 0.1). (3)In the first eight months of 2020, Sri Lanka’s public expenditure on infrastructure development amounted to Rs. 98 billion. (4) The Ministry of Finance aims to maintain public investment at an average of 5-6% of the GDP per annum till 2025. (5) In terms of performance however Sri Lanka infrastructure falls short – it ranked 61 out of 141 under the overall infrastructure performance indicator by the ‘Global Competitiveness Report 2019’. (6)  

Sri Lanka does have an infrastructure gap but it must invest in the right projects. The World Bank (2014) reports that Sri Lanka still needed $ 36 billion worth of investments to close its infrastructure gap, which amounts to 40.5% of the GDP in 2018. (7) To avoid wasteful investments, Sri Lanka requires a fact-based project selection process and an optimised operation and maintenance system for existing large-scale infrastructure projects to close this gap.(8) This would also reduce the country’s spending significantly. Among the numerous factors that fuelled this crisis, lavish investments in infrastructure of limited benefits seems to have played a crucial role. 

Useful infrastructure projects should enable the best return to public investment with higher efficiency, increased safety and minimal environmental damage. It should also have a positive spillover effect which may range from generating employment and increased foreign direct investment to improved tax revenue.

How are large-scale infrastructure projects financed? 

In an effort to close the gap between existing and required infrastructure, the Government resorted to foreign loans. Foreign borrowing amounted to $ 1,710 million in the first eight months of 2021.(10) This accounts to an increase of 16% of foreign financing disbursement in comparison to the previous year.(11) Sri Lanka’s disbursement commitments consist of loans from multilateral agencies, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, and bilateral partners including China, Japan and India(.12) 

With the provision of foreign loans to finance large-scale infrastructure projects among numerous other borrowings, Sri Lanka’s debt to GDP ratio has reached 104.6% in 2021. Based on the high foreign loans obtained, in conjunction to Sri Lanka’s current economic status, there seems to be a strong indication that large-scale infrastructure projects severely indebted the State. If so, where did Sri Lanka go wrong? 


Lack of preliminary procedure 

Taking on multi-million dollar investment projects is a complex task. Large infrastructure projects need to pass the test of utility in order to serve long-term demands before public money is spent.(13)

This means, thorough scrutiny is mandatory to enable the gains of large-scale infrastructure to be fully realised. This would include looking at the interest rates, grace periods and maturity periods provided. It also requires a comprehensive understanding of the type of loan provided. These can be achieved through conducting proper feasibility studies and risk assessments which will shed light on the project’s potential to service debt and its sustainability in the long run. For instance, loans obtained through multilateral agencies such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank require a competitive bidding process to select a contractor. (14) In contrast, projects funded by bilateral agencies are through tied loans.(15) This means that bidding is limited to contractors from the lender’s country.916) During the period of 2005-2018, 28 out of 35 high value bilateral loans were procured without a competitive bidding process.(17) The inability to gauge all available contractors at competitive rates to construct large-infrastructure potentially results in poor quality infrastructure at a cost of very high prices.(18) 

The National Procurement Agency was a statutory body that handled competitive public procurement. However, right before the height of Sri Lanka’s investment spree in 2008, it was removed. In lieu of this, the Standing Cabinet Approved Review Committee (SCARC) was set up in 2010 to approve projects without public tendering or parliamentary approval. This creates additional concerns over the commercial viability of the project approved.(19)

Take for instance the Colombo Port City. Soon after SCARC approval, it was heavily criticised on the claims that its Environmental Assessment Impact was compromised. Further fuelled by the opposition from the fishing community, the project was temporarily suspended. The interim review of these concerns cost the Government $ 143 million as compensation. If proper procedures were followed, these costs could have been circumvented.(20) 

Public infrastructure or political infrastructure? 

Investments in large and complex infrastructure projects have also been a fertile ground for corruption, thereby increasing the risk of creating ‘White Elephants’(.21) Rather than considering the economic value of obtaining loans from foreign lenders, governments utilise large-infrastructure projects as a tool to win the votes from the public. In the event such projects are not completed within their term, successive governments are inclined to halt its operations.(22) This leads to unconsummated, poorly built infrastructure with limited benefits to the people.

Gaps in information: Calling for increased transparency

An effective mechanism of ensuring public money is spent to the best of its ability is to increase the access to information. There is a significant gap in data available to the public on large-infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka. For instance, a comprehensive breakdown of the loan amount, its repayment and interest rates are inconsistently provided in the Ministry of Finance Annual Reports. Selected projects financed through bilateral agencies have been completely omitted. Furthermore, information pertaining to the project’s appraisal and performance is not publicly available. This hampers the ability for the public to conduct an analysis on the investment made. The public must relegate to submitting Right to Information applications to the relevant implementing agency. However, comprehensive responses are rare.  Nevertheless, investment on large infrastructure is a necessity. It has been assessed that 1 dollar worth of infrastructure investment can raise GDP by 20 cents in the long run.(23) Furthermore, infrastructure development can facilitate trade and foreign direct investment. 

In order to ensure that the benefits of each and every infrastructure project undertaken is fully realised, it is vital to set up a comprehensive framework with active public policy, transparent and competitive procurement, proper evaluation and an in-depth financing structure.(24) Hard infrastructure should be accompanied by soft components such as policies and regulations in order to facilitate efficient performance.(25) Therefore, a long-term plan for national infrastructure that is publicly available has the potential to pivot the feeding ground of corruption to the stepping stone of development. 

Refernces:

1CBSL

2CBSL

3
https://www.ips.lk/talkingeconomics/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/pb10_Infrastructure-Challenges.pdf

4
https://www.treasury.gov.lk/api/file/0d77beee-4e42-478b-9089-7f09be23a0e0

5
https://www.treasury.gov.lk/api/file/0d77beee-4e42-478b-9089-7f09be23a0e0

6
https://www.cbsl.gov.lk/sites/default/files/cbslweb_documents/publications/annual_report/2020/en/13_Box_02.pdf

7Chinese Investment and the BRI in Sri Lanka

8
https://www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/operations/our-insights/bridging-infrastructure-gaps-has-the-world-made-progress

9CBSL Annual reports from various years

10
https://www.treasury.gov.lk/api/file/16e9c6ec-7a13-4220-a8a7-1427c5d14785

11
http://www.erd.gov.lk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=94&Itemid=216&lang=en

12
http://www.erd.gov.lk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=94&Itemid=216&lang=en

13
https://www.echelon.lk/a-circus-of-white-elephants/

14
https://www.veriteresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/VR_Eng_RR_Feb2021_Opportunities-to-Protect-Public-Interest-in-Public-Infrastructure-1.pdf

15
https://www.veriteresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/VR_Eng_RR_Feb2021_Opportunities-to-Protect-Public-Interest-in-Public-Infrastructure-1.pdf

16ibid

17ibid

18Key Informant Interview

19‘Locked in’ to China: The Colombo Port City Project

20‘Locked in’ to China: The Colombo Port City Project

21
https://www.veriteresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/VR_Eng_RR_Feb2021_Opportunities-to-Protect-Public-Interest-in-Public-Infrastructure-1.pdf

22
https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/CHHJ8010-Sri-Lanka-RP-WEB-200324.pdf

23
https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/public-and-social-sector/our-insights/four-ways-governments-can-get-the-most-out-of-their-infrastructure-projects

24
https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/177093/adbi-wp553.pdf

25
https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/29823/infrastructure-supporting-inclusive-growth.pdf

Janani Wanigaratne is a research intern at the Advocata Institute. She can be contacted at janani.advocata@gmail.com. Tiffahny Hoole is a former researcher at the Advocata Institute. She can be contacted at tiffahny.advocata@gmail.com. The Advocata Institute is an Independent Public Policy Think Tank. The opinions expressed are the authors’ own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute.

Cycling to work in Colombo is easier said than done

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

A new proposal is under discussion to encourage travelling to work by bicycle. No doubt any policymaker who pays a trip to Europe may observe many people commuting to work by bicycle and on foot. So it is normal for anyone to think “if Europeans can do it, why can’t we?”

Some may even believe that countries in Europe have become developed nations because of behaviour involving “a healthier way of life”; commuting to work by bicycles and using electronic vehicles to reduce pollution.

That line of thought is no different to thinking that the work of Usain Bolt, the Olympic Gold Medallist is easy – running 100 metres in about 10 seconds while accumulating millions of dollars in wealth. All this while many other people cannot come close to accumulating the same amount of wealth even by working throughout their lifetime. 

But what many fail to realise is that Bolt had to put about 20 years or more of training to run that 100 metre in 10 seconds under Olympic game conditions. Similarly, most of the outcomes are a result of a series of policies which go hand in hand with culture, geography, and many other economic factors. 

There is no doubt that cycling is good for health and it will help reduce emissions as well. But if policymakers are deeply interested in encouraging people to cycle to work, it has a lot to do with Sri Lanka’s land, housing, and tariffs on construction materials policy rather than being purely based on cycling. 

You may ask how ‘cycling to work’ is connected to housing, construction tariffs, and land policy? 

It goes without saying that people can cycle to work when they reside at a reasonable distance from their workplaces. When many of the members of the workforce live far away from their workplace, they have to have a convenient mode of transportation not only for reporting to work but also for other personal needs. Given the poor public transportation and lack of interest in developing public transportation, the reasonable option available for the middle class is to have their own vehicle. 

As Sri Lanka became a middle-income country, many could afford a vehicle even at very high border taxes, which are as high as above 100%. So for the average middle class, the available reasonable choice is to reside far from the city limits (main cities such as Colombo, Gampaha, Kandy, and Galle) and commute in their personal vehicles.

The question is why people reside so far away from city limits. It is mainly because housing is not affordable within city limits. Unaffordability of housing is due to two main reasons. First, about 82% of the land in Sri Lanka is owned by the Government, including prime properties within city limits. So land prices are very high due to the Government holding land for completely unproductive enterprises. 

A simple walk around Colombo would bring to view a number of  single-storeyed State buildings where the space is utilised in a very unproductive manner due to poor city planning and excessive regulation. 

Secondly, our cost of construction is very high due to tariffs and paratariffs. Hence, the cost of productive land usage housing schemes such as apartments have become only affordable to the elite and not the middle class. Our floor tiles, wall tiles, cement, steel, construction, aluminium, electrical material and a long list of other materials are more expensive than the global market prices. This is due to very high tariff rates that do not generate much revenue for the Government but only benefit a few protectionist industries, which is called ‘rent’ in economic terms. On housing projects there is a regulation which stipulates that every apartment should have a parking space.

A young professional who uses mobile app-based taxi services or lives at a walking distance to their office does not necessarily need to pay for the land, bearing the construction cost for a 300 Sq.Ft. parking slot in an 800 Sq.Ft. apartment. It is such regulations that drive the housing prices within city limits and minimise choice for the consumer.

As a result we have very few vertical housing schemes that are affordable to the working middle class located within city limits. Young professionals who could easily settle in a two-bedroom apartment within walking or cycling distance to their workplace now have to buy unproductively utilised and expensive land far away from the city, along with a vehicle to commute to work.

If the middle class has housing options within city limits, they would be the happiest to settle in Colombo. They can save their hard-earned money on an apartment property which is a transferable asset rather than purchasing five-year-old low quality reconditioned vehicles which are subject to a tariff of more than 100% to commute to the workplace, burning fuel in the congested and traffic-riddled city streets. 

When middle-class aspirational Sri Lankans can afford to reside in the city where they will be able to use a bike instead of a reconditioned vehicle to commute to work, it is then that we will achieve the objective of saving fuel and minimising emissions and valuable foreign exchange, thus increasing productivity across the board. 

A few years ago the Colombo Mayor and Dutch Ambassador also promoted cycling on weekends. It just became a typical Colombo event and now we hardly see people cycling in Colombo. Often cyclists in Colombo are lottery sellers selling a dream of a fortune to the working middle class and aspirational Sri Lankans, where they can buy a house if they have the luck on a State-issued lottery ticket.

Additionally, we have to remember that there are regions in Europe where it’s less humid than Sri Lanka, so cycling to work is easier than in a tropical country.

If our policymakers really want to see a city of cyclists, they have to start working on our land policy, housing, and tariffs on construction. If we set those policies right, many more developments will be achieved rather than just producing cycling professionals within city limits. 

The Government will need to consider enforcing traffic laws and providing cycling space to enable safe and easy cycling to and from work. 

Reference:

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Public transport reform: Covid is our vehicle

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In this weekly column on The Sunday Morning Business titled “The Coordination Problem”, the scholars and fellows associated with Advocata attempt to explore issues around economics, public policy, the institutions that govern them and their impact on our lives and society.

Originally appeared on The Morning


By Dhananath Fernando

We’ve had enough discussions about how Covid-19 could bring about a new normal, and its negative impacts on the economy and our day-to-day lives. However, “crises” do not only bring threats but also open up ample opportunities. That’s probably why wartime UK Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill said: “Never waste a good crisis.” Reforming our public transportation is one golden opportunity presented to us on a silver platter due to Covid-19. 

What’s wrong with our public transport?

When Sri Lanka progressed to a middle-income country to reach GDP per capita of $ 4,000, people could afford a personal vehicle even with the exorbitant import tariff imposed by the Government. As a result, about 48% of Sri Lankans started commuting to the city in their personal vehicles.

At the same time, our public transport, still lumbering along as it was in the mid-1980s, had not progressed to the aspirations and expectations of a fast-growing middle class. Adding to woes, the quality of public transport depleted at a rapid rate, increasing the number of people commuting in their personal vehicles and burning more fossil fuels, which account for 19% of our total imports. The environment paid the price as our air quality index plummeted. Simply, our problem was that we had been commuting vehicles instead of commuting people. 

Commuting amidst COVID

With Covid-19 hitting us hard, buses and trains cannot operate to their full capacity, according to the Government’s health guidelines. That brings two contradicting problems. People may not have adequate commuting options to adhere to health guidelines, so individuals commuting via crowded public transport pre-pandemic may consider travelling in their own vehicles for health reasons when the economy gradually opens up, spelling disaster and making our existing traffic jam worse.

At the same time, bus owners will be demotivated to field their buses as they cannot make a profit without operating at full capacity without a ticket price revision.

Meanwhile, some commuters may not need to travel at all while “working from home”.

Hidden problems and mediocre solutions

 Whenever the topic of public transportation enters the national discussion, our solutions have been very shallow and out of depth. We have taken a more regulatory and blanket tariff approach instead of understanding the real problems. The popular solutions were increasing tariffs on vehicle imports and discussing a ban on tuk tuks, claiming that they contribute to most of the congestion and accidents, even though hard facts paint a completely different picture.

Looking back 20 years, do you see a different brand or structure of buses running on our roads? It’s the same box-type Leyland or Tata, and the same air-conditioned (AC) Rosa buses. Why has the structure of the buses operating on our roads not changed over the last 20 years, when the world has moved to the extent of offering services of unparalleled comfort and safety?

With limited railway service, the 138 bus route (Maharagama/Homagama-Pettah) is considered the most congested bus route to the commercial capital of Colombo. Even at an electoral level, Maharagama/Homagama is considered one of the most densely populated suburbs where aspirational Sri Lankans live, or in other words, where the educated middle class reside.

Have you ever wondered why AC buses do not operate on this route? Most of the main routes (Galle Road, Kandy Road, Negombo Road, Battaramulla Road, Gampaha, etc.) on which most educated middle-class citizens commute to the city on a daily basis for employment, business, and education, use buses which are in the dilapidated state; the so-called luxury service (AC) is horrendous, despite passengers being charged double the usual price.

Have you ever thought about why, while there is a big demand for people to commute comfortably even at a higher price, no one ever thought to have more AC buses, at least as a surface-level solution? That is where a pragmatic approach to public policy, in this case, transport policy, comes into play.

Deadly combination

Ideology aside, the deadly combination for any market, which leads to its stagnation, is lack of competition, over-regulation, and price controls. Unfortunately, our public transport system has all three in just the right amounts to brew a recipe for disaster, costing the Sri Lankan economy a colossal amount of money and having a significant environmental impact.

The route permit for buses that commute between districts costs several times more than the bus itself. At the same time, the route permit is not competitively priced, creating entry barriers and restricting supply. Private bus owners request that even if new route permits are issued, the existing bus owners should be given priority. Simply put, the public bus owners run a cartel, creating meticulous entry barriers so they can continue to provide a ramshackle service to the public and get away with it. On the other hand, a maximum price ceiling on a ticket price is imposed by the Transport Authority. 

On the flip side, bus owners have no incentive to field a higher quality bus and a higher quality service as the ticket price would be the same, whether a new or old bus. In a similar way, buses can’t charge a premium for providing a friendly and courteous service. Irrespective of whether they operate during off-peak hours or peak hours, the price of a ticket is the same. Due to this, there’s no incentive for buses to operate after dark and the few that do run are often seen racing each other to grab passengers at the next halt, in contrast to the crawl during rush hour.

Think of a situation where airline ticket prices are regulated – undoubtedly, it looks silly, given the dynamism of the industry. The same applies to public transport. As a result, there is no competition in the public transport space. Trains are a government monopoly and there is no competition and no pressure for them to increase their services as they have no incentive, even if they improve the quality and quantity of service. Their incentive is securing overtime via inefficiencies; they earn the same salary regardless of service levels.

The taxi service which has evolved without single government regulation, respecting market forces, is the only hope for the people. As we all know, the night rates are higher in taxis. The taximeter works in a system where when demand in a specific area is high, prices are higher. As a result, resources are better managed and utilised. People can plan their lives methodically and decisions can be made rationally, while convenience is delivered to your fingertips. Of course, there are areas for improvement, but undoubtedly, service levels, experience, and value for money are far superior. 

Opportunity post Covid-19

Subject experts such as Prof. Amal Kumarage of the University of Moratuwa have done enough research and listed solutions to bring an end to this debacle in many forums.

What the Government could do is reconsider the route permit system and do away with entry barriers for businesses to enter the public transport market which would then end the present cartel.

The Government has to reconsider the pricing formula for bus fares and deploy a flexible pricing structure with the proposed pay card system where buses can charge a higher fare if they operate at night.

A test run has already been done with the participation of some cabinet ministers in this Government.

Given lower fuel prices in the world market, even a concessionary rate can be provided for public transportation to encourage them to operate at lower costs, considering the damage to the environment.

Simultaneously, the Railway Department requires more competition. The Government can consider keeping the ownership of the railway tracks with the Department and provide private investors with the space to join in a public-private partnership to run train compartments, operations, and cargo. If we can check the location of our tuk-tuk taxi, obviously it isn’t rocket science to develop an application to monitor the arrival and departure times and locations of trains. 

Most of these regulatory reforms won’t affect the Government’s fiscal position, and we should look at options to take maximum mileage of market-based pragmatic solutions rather than inefficient government interventions.

When public transportation sees significant improvement, the Government should consider imposing a congestion tax as done in London, where vehicle entry to the city is expensive, so more people are encouraged to use public transport and congestion is discouraged.

The current higher taxes on vehicle imports is a blanket tariff which has no impact on reducing congestion. When the public transportation is up to the mark, vehicle imports (mainly low efficiency-engine vehicles) will automatically drop, so the Government will not have to crush the dreams of aspirational Sri Lankans progressing to four wheels from two or three. Additionally, the Colombo Municipality will earn extra revenue via the congestion charge. 

Last but not least, the Government should abolish the vehicle permit system and treat all its hard-working residents equally. The vehicle permit system has indirectly allowed daylight robbery of taxpayer money, and of course, it has to be kept active for political reasons. This is the golden opportunity to move from the “do nothing” seat to the “do reform” seat, and we should not waste this crisis without making reforms in our public transport system.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.