Our depressing debt diagnosis

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

Sri Lanka must understand how it got here before getting out of here

Last week, the Central Bank announced all export proceeds should be brought into the country within 180 days of shipment. Additionally, they stated that all exporters should convert 25% of their foreign currency earnings to LKR from the invoice value upon entry into the country. This was brought in just a few weeks after they restricted forward purchasing for importers. With these two moves, Sri Lanka’s debt sustainability has come under the spotlight once again. Recent reports from Standard Chartered Bank and Barclays Bank have also contributed to the discussion.

It is clear that the Government and the Central Bank are looking at the problem differently to how investors, financial markets, and other stakeholders perceive the problem. Indeed both sides share their opinion with good intentions of overcoming the current turbulent time. 

As per recent media reports and a press release by the Central Bank, their objective is to build non-borrowed foreign reserves in order to meet our debt commitments. The Government is looking at the problem as a cash inflow-outflow problem. Accordingly, the Government expects about $ 32-35 billion inflows, about $ 15 billion from exports, about another $ 7 billion from remittances, and about $ 1.5 billion from tourism, with foreign direct investments (FDIs) and other transfers, etc. filling the balance.

On the outflow side, the Government expects about $ 19 billion for imports and sovereign bond payments are about $ 2 billion every year, so the debt can easily be served without any problem according to the reports. It further states that total sovereign bonds are about $ 15 billion which is about 17% of total debt, and none of the other creditors have made any concern over our debt sustainability. Recently, the Governor made remarks that the Central Bank buys about $ 10 million per day to build up reserves so we can cover all debt commitments. According to his view, the outlook on exports, FDIs, tourism, and remittances looks positive with the vaccination drive. 

On the other hand, investors and other agencies are of the view that reprofiling debt with International Monetary Fund (IMF) support is the best solution at hand as our foreign reserves are eroding faster than expected. They see the problem as a solvency problem rather than a cash flow problem; that we need to buy time to bounce back with a lesser impact on the entire economy. It’s not that all reserves are liquid as some reserves are in gold and some IMF commitments and swap commitments are already included in the available reserves of about $ 5 billion. The question from the investors is: “If the cash flow is smooth, why does it continue to erode the reserves which are now at a historic low?” In this context we have to evaluate what we should do and what is possible to do.

Let’s get into the basics. In the debt discussion, we have all been debating on how we can settle the debt and how we can keep our noses above the water. But we should not forget the reasons that brought us to where we are today. We borrowed beyond our capacity at high interest rates and invested in projects which generate returns far less than our payment capacity. In other words, we borrowed at market rate and invested in non-tradable goods which did not generate any tradable return necessary to repay a part of the debt. Since we have failed to avoid the causes of the problem, now we have to pick the best possible escape route from the problem.

Secondly, in my view, we have to estimate the extent to which we can build up reserves by buying USD from the market given the current policy stance. The Government has committed to a policy to keep the interest rates unchanged and keep the exchange rate to USD in the Rs. 185 range. We need to understand that the USD inflow estimate of about $ 15 billion is not owned by the Government but by the exporters, and so are our remittances. The same applies for the imports where importers have to have money from the market to import the basics such as fuel, pharmaceuticals, etc. In this context, to build up the reserves, the Government has to buy USD from the market and that is how the Government can capture the USD available in the market from exporters. To do that, the incentive structures have to be there for exporters to sell more USD rather than save USD. Currently, the interest rates for USD are higher than interest rates for LKR accounts, so expecting a currency depreciation, the market perception is more skewed towards keeping their money in USD form. To overcome that incentive discrepancy, when the Government imposes a regulation to procure the USD earnings by exporters within 180 days and to convert 25% upon shipment, it is likely that the exporters under invoice consider options to park their money in offshore accounts, which will further erode our inflows. 

At the same time the regulation will impact some exporters who run on thin margins who have a portion of imports in their exports. On the other hand, the companies who have USD commitments and agreements with other companies now have to face extra pressure and loss on conversions due to this regulation. 

In my view, the sovereign debt problem has a broader dimension beyond just calculating cash flow. Because the Government owns the debt and because the USD cash flow is owned by private businesses and individuals, the Government requires a mechanism to capture it either by taxation or mopping up the liquidy from the market by tightening the systems by allowing the interest rates to move upwards. That will slow down the economy. The Government’s current strategy of buying their own Treasury bills and bonds, in other words printing money, will add constant and excessive pressure on imports through channels where the imports are open, though we have a import control policy. At the same time, it is highly likely that the excess liquidity will convert to credit with the economic recovery from Covid-19 and add pressure on inflation and cost of living. We have to keep in mind that while we build reserves by buying USD from the market, we might have to sell some of it again to keep the exchange rate stable. Changes in the exchange rate will affect our debt-to-GDP ratio.

It is true the sovereign nations have the legitimate power to print money, but ultimately what consecutive governments consumed by taking debt has to be paid in real terms by earning it real value, and there is no shortcut for it. Very importantly, while the debate is on as to what route we need to take, we should not forget the reason that brought us here.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Why is the President being ‘landed’ with this request?

Originally appeared on The Morning

By Dhananath Fernando

A digital land registry could help our rural masses 

The “Gama Samaga Pilisadarak” is the President’s most recent engagement programme. Positives and negatives of the programme have both been openly discussed on mainstream and social media. As per media reports, the programme is structured in such a way that officials of key ministries, such as Land, Education, and Road Development, visit villages with the President. 

People are then requested to put forward their problems before this entourage of officials. They try to solve the problems at the location itself, directing the state officials to act faster. The President mentioned that following such a course of action has helped build local infrastructure and helps him understand people’s problems better. 

On the contrary, on social media, views have been expressed on forest destruction concerning areas where the President has been visiting, and describing this as an attempt to prioritise development at the expense of our green cover. 

The objective of today’s column is not to provide a commentary on “Gama Samaga Pilisadarak”, but an effort to put things into perspective regarding the most common concerns people have been putting before Sri Lanka’s First Citizen. Secondly, we aim to explore why the very same issues are being repeated in most of the villages. In my understanding, the problems presented to the President are just symptoms of a bigger problem, and it looks like the solutions instantly provided by the officials are just temporary solutions without understanding the problem at its root. 

Most frequent requests made to the President, as have been telecast in the news, are requests for land to conduct agricultural activities. The fundamental question is why solving issues surrounding land has become a common-priority request, as we saw on television, with people screaming and pleading the President to get their land matters solved.

As indicated multiple times in this column, about 80% of Sri Lanka’s land is owned by the Government. Out of that, about 30% is our forest cover. As a tiny island, land is obviously a limited resource in economic terms. Therefore, if we fail to optimise the utilisation of land, all the natural beauty and biodiversity we brag about is most likely to fade away from us. 

Creating land, like what we did with the Port City, is extremely expensive and environmentally costly. The problem lies in the fact that most of the land our farmers cutivate is only under a licence, and they do not have a title. As a result, the farmer has to visit the Divisional Secretariat to obtain a license, renew the license, or even to obtain approval to change the crop they cultivate. 

Smaller and smaller portions

Most of these lands our farmers cultivate are provided under different land and agricultural projects. Over generations when the original land is divided among family members, the land plot becomes smaller and smaller.

For example, look at what happens when the original land of five acres is provided to a farmer, which in turn is divided among his four children. This will get subdivided after the next generation. Now, instead of five acres, only about 25 perches of land will now be available, and this has limited scope for agriculture. As a result of these smaller land plots over generations, industrialisation or commercialisation of cultivating lands is unfeasible.

Employing technology and machinery to increase productivity on a 25-perch land plot is not feasible. As a result, people ask for more lands from the Government, or encroach on forest cover to do their farming.

On the other hand, these lands do not have titles. So farmers are unable to optimise the maximum usage of the land using technology, because they have no source for capital. They don’t have other assets to use as collateral to access finance, nor are the banks willing to provide them loans without any valid collateral.

As a result, the land problem has become a vicious cycle. These circumstances have led to a scenario where a combination of factors continue to make our farmers poorer and our agriculture unproductive, while trapping our farmers in informal loans and creating severe social concerns such as suicide. There is the additional issue of contributing to the loss of our forest cover and destroying our biodiversity. 

If we look at countries that are in deep poverty, one of the common denominators is that the people of those countries do not have their land and property rights. There is no magical formula for an economy to take off without establishing property rights for their citizens. 

The President expressed his displeasure at rumours circulating on social media on the destruction of forest cover, but until we provide a permanent solution to this problem, we will lose out on every front. The President will have to hear the same complaint at every location he visits.

On top of that, the Government has decided to stop all agricultural imports for the next four years, as per reports by The Morning. This will most likely worsen the situation. Food prices will go up, and more farmers will attempt to do agriculture by practicing their unproductive farming methods. 

The rising prices will punish all our poor consumers already suffering from the high cost of living. At the same time, our tourism will suffer, as it needs some imported agricultural products to prepare the cuisine. However, it is understandable that balancing such a dilemma when foreign reserves are depleting is going to be a serious challenge.  

What is the solution?

The President has a greater opportunity to capitalise on this matter economically as well as politically. We have to have a digital system and a digital land registry. As soon as the “digital land registry” is spelled out, many associate it to the three-letter “MCC” agreement. That is now gone, and there is very little value in debating it now. 

But over the next four years, the President can prioritise the digital land registry, which will mark forest cover on the cadastral survey system with GPS coordinates. It will increase Government efficiency drastically, release the dead capital of land among farmers, and investments will start kicking off. Most of the back-end work has been done, and cases for the need for a digital land registry have been developed. 

The question is: how are we going to find money to implement the survey and purchase the technology? We have to seek out multilateral donor agencies, or a potential bilateral loan, to secure the funding, as this will create massive economic potential. Setting up a digital land registry will be significantly impactful, rather than just developing a road or incurring another massive capital expenditure. 

This is an action which will move us upwards in the Ease of Doing Business Index, and build investor confidence. At the same time this will fall perfectly in line with the President’s manifesto of “Vistas of Prosperity and Splendor” under a digitised economy. 

The ripple effect will trickle down to smaller cases at courthouses, as well as to micro and small business enterprises when the project unfolds. 

Since there have already been many land deed programmes such as “Jayabhoomi” and “Swarnabhoomi”, this will not be a simple and easy project. Having the simple digital infrastructure ready is the first step to address these issues, both at present and in the long term. 

The main opposition comes from lawyers, as they are the main beneficiaries of delayed court proceedings. If the President focuses on this single reform, it will not only be the best-ever environmental conservation reform to protect our green cover, but also a historic economic reform to unlock our dead capital, and reactivate capital markets and agriculture. Most importantly, it will be a big relief for our farmers and fellow Sri Lankans.

The opinions expressed are the author’s own views. They may not necessarily reflect the views of the Advocata Institute or anyone affiliated with the institute.

Sri Lanka's Rajapaksa restoration is complete. What comes next?

Originally appeared on Nikkei Asia

By Prof. Razeen Sally

Government may have to rely on new Chinese loans to avert a macroeconomic crisis

Sri Lanka's parliamentary election on August 5 delivered a thumping victory for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his older brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa's Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, or SLPP, party. Following Gotabaya Rajapaksa's decisive victory in the presidential election last November, what does the Rajapaksa family's unlimited rule portend for Sri Lanka and its external relations?

Illiberal democracy, a state-led economy, Sinhala-Buddhist supremacy -- Sinhala Buddhists are about 70% of the population, and a China-centric foreign policy were the hallmarks of Mahinda Rajapaksa's rule when he served as president until 2015. His surprise election defeat opened a window for liberal democracy, a more internationally open, private sector-led economy, reconciliation with ethno-religious minorities, and a more balanced foreign policy to reengage with the West and India.

But the coalition government that followed was a total disaster, crippled by no reform strategy, venomous internal warfare, corruption scandals and rank incompetence. The Rajapaksa restoration last November revived the core features of the previous Rajapaksa rule. But now Gotabaya Rajapaksa is in the driving seat, and Sri Lanka faces a COVID-19 plagued world.

With a handful of allies, the SLPP will have a two-thirds parliamentary majority, which will allow it to change the constitution at will. First will come the repeal of the Nineteenth Amendment, which limits presidential powers and strengthens parliament and the judiciary.

Optimists argue that Sri Lanka now has the political stability and decisive governance it lacked under the previous government. President Rajapaksa has centralized power in his small circle, crowded with retired senior military officers. Even more than his brother Mahinda, he favours Big Man rule, exercising untrammelled power, issuing orders and expecting them to be executed without dissent or delay. That has worked, so far, to limit the spread of COVID-19 in Sri Lanka. But will it work to tackle more complex and long-standing problems concerning the economy, interethnic relations, public administration and much else besides?

Countries become stable and prosperous by nurturing effective institutions and social trust over time, not with Big Man politics with its never-ending command-and-control, short-term, ad hoc fixes. That is something the Rajapaksas -- and all but a tiny minority of Sri Lankans -- don't seem to understand. Sri Lanka is now hurtling back to illiberal democracy. It may provide short-term political stability, but I doubt it will lead to better governance.

This Rajapaksa government, like the last one, espouses a collectivist economic ideology. Its first budget was full of tax cuts and expenditure entitlements, guaranteed to increase the fiscal deficit and public debt. The policy consists of diktats and constantly changing regulations on taxes, monetary expansion and import controls.

Sri Lanka was already in a debt trap when this government came to power. Total public debt is about 90% of gross domestic product, and total external debt, at over $50 billion, is about 60% of GDP. Then COVID-19 struck. The budget deficit may go up to 10% of GDP this year, and the economy may shrink by up to 5%. There is no fiscal space for tax cuts and extra public expenditure. The government desperately needs to negotiate debt moratoria, extra loans and possible debt restructuring with the International Monetary Fund and others. But, for now, it has no plan.

The Rajapaksas are unapologetic Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists. President Rajapaksa and the SLPP were elected with a huge majority of Sinhala votes but only a tiny percentage of ethnic-minority votes.

The Sinhala-Tamil cleavage is long-standing. The Easter Sunday blasts last year, perpetrated by Islamic radicals, opened a new cleavage between Sinhala Buddhists and Christians, on the one hand, and Muslims, on the other. The Rajapaksa Sinhala-Buddhist supremacist agenda is guaranteed to keep ethnic tensions on the boil. Muslims will be most at risk if that gets out of control.

President Rajapaksa has largely ignored the West, the IMF and other international organizations, but he is friendly with Narendra Modi, a fellow strongman and ethno-religious nationalist. China, however, remains "first friend." Money talks: Chinese state-backed investment is the only big game in town. There is a real possibility that Sri Lanka will rely on new Chinese loans to avert a macroeconomic crisis, especially if it does not come to a new agreement with the IMF.

Sri Lanka increasingly resembles a Chinese tributary state -- rather like a brief interlude in the fifteenth century, when Admiral Zheng He abducted a local king and took him to Beijing to pay obeisance to the emperor, after which an annual tribute was sent to China.

Sri Lanka is a bewitchingly beautiful country. Since ancient times, it has won the hearts of many a visitor. I would know since I grew up there -- I am half Sri Lankan, half British -- and have spent the past decade travelling all over the island to write a travel memoir.

But Sri Lanka is a little country with layer upon layer of complexity and paradox, and a dark side that has benighted its post-independence politics and institutions. As an adviser to the last government, I saw up close its shambolic disintegration. Understandably, Sri Lankans voted for the only realistic alternative: the Rajapaksas. The prospect of another decade of Rajapaksa hegemony does not fill me with optimism.

Prof. Razeen Sally is a visiting associate professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore. He is also the author of "Return to Sri Lanka: Travels in a Paradoxical Island."